Power is the ability to affect others to get the outcomes one prefers, and that can be accomplished by coercion, payment, or attraction and persuasion. Soft power is the ability to obtain preferred outcomes by attraction rather than coercion or payment. This anecdotal comment recounts the origins of the concept as an analytical tool, and its gradual development as an instrumental concept used in political discourse in Europe, China and the United States. This article is published as part of a collection on soft power.
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COMMENT
Received 3 Oct 2016 | Accepted 24 Jan 2017 | Published 21 Feb 2017
Soft power: the origins and political progress of a
concept
Joseph Nye1
ABSTRACT Power is the ability to affect others to get the outcomes one prefers, and that
can be accomplished by coercion, payment, or attraction and persuasion. Soft power is the
ability to obtain preferred outcomes by attraction rather than coercion or payment. This
anecdotal comment recounts the origins of the concept as an analytical tool, and its gradual
development as an instrumental concept used in political discourse in Europe, China and the
United States. This article is published as part of a collection on soft power.
DOI: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8 OPEN
1University of Harvard, Cambridge, MA, USA
PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | 3:17008 | DOI: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8 | www.palgrave-journals.com/palcomms 1
Icoined the term " soft power" in my 1990 book Bound to Lead
that challenged the then conventional view of the decline of
American power (Nye, 1990). After looking at American
military and economic power resources, I felt that something was
still missing— the ability to affect others by attraction and
persuasion rather than just coercion and payment. At that time,
there was a prevalent belief that the United States was in decline,
and Paul Kennedy' s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers was a
New York Times best seller (Kennedy, 1987). Kennedy argued
that the US was suffering from " imperial overstretch" , and would
soon go the way of 17th century Spain or Edwardian Britain.
Many others echoed these thoughts, and believed that the Soviet
Union was passing us in military might and Japan was overtaking
us in economic strength. I doubted this conventional wisdom and
went to many seminars and conferences where I was a lonely
dissenter.
Both academics and practitioners in international relations
tended to treat power as tangible resources you could drop on
your foot or drop on a city. This was less true of classical realists
like Carr (1939), but particularly true of neorealist theorists such
as Kenneth Waltz and his followers who became fashionable in
the 1970s (Waltz, 1979). Everything was coercion and payments,
but sometimes people infl uence others by ideas and attraction
that sets the agenda for others or gets them to want what you
want. Then carrots and sticks are less necessary, or can be used
more frugally because others see them as legitimate. With its
universalistic values, open culture and vast popular cultural
resources ranging from Hollywood to foundations and univer-
sities, the United States seemed uniquely placed to affect how
others viewed the world and us. Of course, it did not make us
attractive to everyone. Quite the contrary, as the Mullahs in Iran
proved. But where we were attractive, it was a huge advantage. As
one Norwegian scholar put it, if the Americans had created an
empire in Europe, it was an " empire by invitation"(Lundestad,
1998). I tried a variety of terms to try to summarize these
thoughts, and eventually settled on the term " soft power" . I hoped
its slightly oxymoronic resonance in the traditional discourse of
my fi eld might make people think again about their assumptions
when they spoke of power.
I thought of soft power as an analytic concept to fi ll a deficiency
in the way analysts thought about power, but it gradually took on
political resonance. In some ways the underlying thought is not
new and similar concepts can be traced back to ancient
philosophers. Moreover, though I developed the term soft power
in the context of my work on American power, it is not restricted
to international behaviour or to the United States. As I became
interested in leadership studies, I applied the concept to individuals
and organizations in my 2008 book The Powers to Lead.(Nye,
2008) Nonetheless, it has taken particular root in international
relations, and as the European Union developed, more European
leaders began to refer to its soft power. The term was less used,
however, by American political leaders.
In 2002, I was one of two keynote speakers at a conference
organized by the Army in Washington. I spoke to the assembled
generals about soft power and, by their questions, they seemed to
get it. Later, one of the generals asked the other keynote speaker,
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, what he thought of soft
power. He replied that he did not understand what soft power
meant, and that was evident in his policies. This hubris was
evident well before the security drama that followed the terrorist
attacks on 9/11, but in that climate of fear, it was diffi cult to speak
about soft power, even though attracting moderates away from
appeals by radicals is a key component of any effective
counterterrorism strategy.
In that climate, and with the invasion of Iraq proving
disastrous, I felt I needed to spell out the meaning of soft power
in greater detail. Even colleagues were incorrectly describing soft
power as "non-traditional forces such as cultural and commercial
goods" and dismissing it on the grounds that " it' s, well, soft"
(Ferguson, 2009). And a Congresswoman friend told me privately
that she agreed 100 per cent with my concept, but that it was
impossible to use it to address a political audience who wanted to
hear tough talk. In 2004, I went into more detail conceptually in
Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. I also said that
soft power was only one component of power, and rarely
suffi cient by itself. The ability to combine hard and soft power
into successful strategies where they reinforce each other could be
considered " smart power" (a term later used by Hillary Clinton as
Secretary of State). I developed the concepts further in my 2011
book on The Future of Power Including in the realm of cyber
power (Nye, 2011). I made clear that soft power is not a
normative concept, and it is not necessarily better to twist minds
than to twist arms. " Bad" people (like Osama bin Laden) can
exercise soft power. While I explored various dimensions of the
concept most fully in this work, the central defi nition (the ability
to affect others and obtain preferred outcomes by attraction and
persuasion rather than coercion or payment) remained constant
over time.
In 2007, as the situation in Iraq continued to deteriorate, John
Hamre, Richard Armitage and I co-chaired a " Smart Power
Commission" for the Centre for Strategic and International
Studies in Washington. With former senators and Supreme Court
justices participating, we hoped to use soft and smart power for
the political purpose of centring American foreign policy.
Subsequently in the Bush Administration, in 2007 Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates called for the United States to invest more
in soft power. It was a long way from the modest ambitions for
the analytic concept scribbled out on my kitchen table 17 years
earlier. The term " smart power" (the successful combination of
hard and soft power resources into effective strategy) was clearly
prescriptive rather than just analytical.
Even more impressive in terms of distance from that kitchen
table was the fate of the concept in China. As China dramatically
developed its hard power resources, leaders realized that it would
be more acceptable if it were accompanied by soft power. This is a
smart strategy because as China' s hard military and economic
power grows, it may frighten its neighbours into balancing
coalitions. If it can accompany its rise with an increase in its soft
power, China can weaken the incentives for these coalitions. In
2007, Chinese President Hu Jintao told the 17th Congress of the
Chinese Communist Party that they needed to invest more in
their soft power, and this has been continued by the current
President Xi Jinping. Once the top leader had spoken and the
word was out, billions of dollars were invested to promote soft
power, and thousands of articles were published on the subject.
China has had mixed success with its soft power strategy. Its
impressive record of economic growth that has raised hundreds
of millions of people out of poverty and its traditional culture
have been important sources of attraction, but polls show it lags
behind the United States in overall attractiveness in most parts of
the world, including Asia. Portland— a consultancy in London
that constructs an annual index of soft power— ranks the United
States fi rst and China as number 28 of the top 30 countries
(Portland Communications and Facebook, 2016).
Top level endorsement in China affected me directly. Hardly a
week went by in the year after Hu Jintao's use of the concept
without an e-mail asking me to write an article or participate in
some soft power seminar or conference. Chinese officials
contacted me for private conversations about how to increase
China' s soft power. My advice was always the same. I say that
China should realize that most of a country' s soft power comes
from its civil society rather than from its government.
COMMENT PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | DOI: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8
2PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | 3:17008 | DOI: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8 | www.palgrave-journals.com/palcomms
Propaganda is not credible and thus does not attract. China needs
to give more leeway to the talents of its civil society, even though
this is diffi cult to reconcile with tight party control. Chinese soft
power is also held back by its territorial disputes with its
neighbours. Creating a Confucius Institute to teach Chinese
culture in Manila will not generate attraction if Chinese naval
vessels are chasing Philippine fi shing boats out of Scarborough
Shoal that lies within 200 miles of its coastline. When I said this
on a televised panel at Davos in 2013, Wang Jianglin, the richest
man in China interrupted the panel to criticize me for "hurting
the feelings of the Chinese people".
One of the most intriguing occasions was an invitation to
address the School of Marxism at Peking University in Beijing. I
was treated royally. When it came time for my lecture to some
1500 students, I was seated alone at a table on a podium covered
with gorgeous fl owers with a large screen on the wall behind me
with an enlarged video of my performance. In the course of my
speech, I addressed the question of how China could increase its
soft power and I mentioned the harassment of the great Chinese
artist Ai WeiWei as an example of too tight control over civil
society. There was a slight titter in the crowd, but at the end of my
lecture, the dean of the School of Marxism took the stage and
gave a long fl owery thanks that author of the concept of soft
power had come to address the school. As he went on, however, I
noted that my translator was skipping much of what he said. I
later asked a Mandarin-speaking Canadian friend who was
present in the front row what the dean had said. In summary: "we
are fl attered to have Professor Nye here, but you students must
realize that his use of the concept is overly political and we prefer
to restrict it to cultural issues."
With time, I have come to realize that concepts such as soft
power are like children. As an academic or a public intellectual,
you can love and discipline them when they are young, but as
they grow they wander off and make new company, both good
and bad. There is not much you can do about it, even if you were
present at the creation. As the Princeton political scientist
Baldwin (2016) has recently written, " Nye' s discussion of soft
power stimulated and clarifi ed the thoughts of policy makers and
scholars alike— even those who misunderstood or disagree with
his views" . Perhaps that is all one can hope for.
References
Baldwin DA (2016) Power and International Relations: A Conceptual Approach.
Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ.
Carr EH (1939) The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919– 1939: An Introduction to the Study
of International Relations. Palgrave Macmillan: London.
Ferguson NC (2009) Think again: power. Foreign Policy (March– April): 18 – 24.
Kennedy PM (1987) The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and
Military Confl ict from 1500 to2000. Random House: New York.
Lundestad G (1998) " Empire" by Integration: The United States and European
Integration, 1945– 1997. Oxford University Press: Oxford.
Nye JS Jr (1990) Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power . Basic
Books: New York.
Nye JS Jr (2008) The Powers to Lead . Oxford University Press: Oxford.
Nye JS Jr (2011) The Future of Power . Public Affairs: New York.
Portland Communications and Facebook. (2016) " The Soft Power 30 Report",
http://softpower30.portland-communications.com/wp-content/themes/soft
power/pdfs/the_soft_power_30.pdf, accessed 12 January 2017.
Waltz KN (1979) Theory of International Politics . Addison-Wesley: Reading, MA.
Additional information
Competing interests: The author declares no competing fi nancial interests.
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How to cite this article: Nye J (2017) Soft power: the origins and political progress of a
concept. Palgrave Communications . 3:17008 doi: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8.
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PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | DOI: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8 COMMENT
PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | 3:17008 | DOI: 10.1057/palcomms.2017.8 | www.palgrave-journals.com/palcomms 3
... First, soft power is the ability to obtain preferred outcomes by attraction rather than coercion or payment (Nye 2017). This is every country's aim in international relations. ...
- Janne Leino
While China has made remarkable advances in its economic, technological and military development over the past decades, its perceived influence and reputation are declining in some parts of the world. This poses a problem for Chinese decision-makers as the country's self-proclaimed goal to become a leading global power relies on its build-up of soft power, that is, the ability to influence others by persuasion rather than coercion. The article examines why China, despite the increasingly nationalist tendencies at home, will continue its international push to become a soft (super)power, and discusses how the EU should react.
... International Relations scholarship has overseen the role of science and technology in theorizing the relations of power and influence between countries (Mayer et al., 2014). Globalization, for instance, has been mostly researched in economical contexts, whereas science has been described as an influential soft form of power, attracting partner countries to one's interests and values, rather than using force and coercion (Nye, 2017). Science diplomacy is a recent field of academic research that investigates exactly the relationship between science and international relations, opening a new horizon for scholarship in International Relations (The Royal Society, 2010;Gluckman et al., 2018;Rungius et al., 2018). ...
With humanity facing challenges such as a global emergency, science and technology have become crucial tools for tackling them. Addressing such grand problems requires the coordinated efforts of researchers, diplomats, and policy makers, giving rise to the emerging field of Science Diplomacy (SD). Bridging science with international relations, SD has been defined as "all practices in which actions of researchers and diplomats interact". As globalization is causing traditional geographic and geopolitical boundaries to reconfigure, international interactions occur faster and more comprehensively than ever. In addition, the transnational nature of complex problems requires intense international dialogues that involve actors from different countries and regions. In this context, the international role of science is more evident than ever, particularly in respect to the 2030 sustainable development agenda. In times of critical global challenges, such as climate change and pandemics, science diplomacy could play a crucial role. This is because the creation of synergies goes beyond the institutions that sign treaties and agreements, involving other actors such as the scientific community, the private and public sectors, and multilateral organizations. Countries located in Europe and North America have made progress discussing the content of SD, however, the voices of scholars from other regions are needed for developing an inclusive and holistic approach. Latin America, a region in which societies face different moments in their development stage, is particularly vulnerable when trying to participate in the global economic growth paradigm that is based on scientific and technological advances. Challenges experienced by Latin American societies include heterogeneity, diversity, multi-ethnicity, and inequality. Although, these issues might be present in other societies from Europe, North America, Africa among others, regional specificities are important to be taken into account for the nearly 600 million people that inhabit Latin America sharing common cultural, linguistic, historical, and religious backgrounds. This E-Book showcases discussions on Science Diplomacy and Sustainable Development from Latin American countries in order to highlight their particular challenges as heterogeneous, diverse, multi-ethnic, and unequal societies. It addresses the need for science to be internationally discussed as actors from different countries and regions engage in collaborative efforts towards shared objectives in seeking sustainable development from the perspective of Latin America. The goal is to encourage knowledge production in response to the discussions and challenges that humanity is facing while working towards the 2030 sustainable development agenda. By bringing these to the fore this Research Topic seeks to balance studies that have, so far, been emerging from and concentrating on the European and North American regions. The inclusion of any Latin American country within bilateral or multilateral relations is required, but the consideration of Latin America as a regional block is also accepted. We invite manuscripts in relation to science diplomacy and sustainable development in the following subtopics: • Interdependence, complexity, and political challenges • Governance of Science and Technology • Economics of Development • Budgets and the sustainable development agenda 2030 • Science and technology policy • International Relations and new global scientific paradigms • Communication of Science in Latin America
... International Relations scholarship has overseen the role of science and technology in theorizing the relations of power and influence between countries (Mayer et al., 2014). Globalization, for instance, has been mostly researched in economical contexts, whereas science has been described as an influential soft form of power, attracting partner countries to one's interests and values, rather than using force and coercion (Nye, 2017). Science diplomacy is a recent field of academic research that investigates exactly the relationship between science and international relations, opening a new horizon for scholarship in International Relations (The Royal Society, 2010;Gluckman et al., 2018;Rungius et al., 2018). ...
The current times present humanity with challenges that require actions beyond multidisciplinarity. They demand a transdisciplinary approach that collaborates scientific knowledge, policy, business dynamics and ancestral wisdom for solutions. In transdisciplinarity, Science Diplomacy (SD) is a specialty that fosters the engagement of diverse disciplines and stakeholders in the interface of science and foreign policy to convey a positive impact on societies and their inhabitants. This is particularly relevant in realities such as those in Latin America, where the pursuit of sustainable development for present and future generations posits a critical emphasis on respecting the planet and its resources. It is in this regard the Research Topic: Science Diplomacy and Sustainable Development: Perspectives from Latin America aims to explore relevant discussions on the need for science to be conceived internationally for sustainable national and global solutions...
... Yumuşak güç ("soft power") ise baskı yapılmadan çekim etkisinden yararlanarak istenilen sonuçları elde etme yeteneğidir. Yumuşak güç terimi ilk kez Joseph Nye'nin 1990 tarihli [Bound to Lead The Changing Nature of American Power (Liderliğe Mecbur: Amerikan Gücünün Değişen Doğası)] isimli kitabında kullanılarak, güç kavramının geleneksel görüşlerine karşı çıkan bir pozisyonda ortaya çıktı [7] . ...
- Çağatay Üstün
- Seçil Özçiftçi
Since its turn into a pandemic in a short time, a viral disease described as COVID-19 which emerged in Wuhan, Hubei has deeply affected the medical, economic, social and ethical balances all over the world. Even though it has been more than a year, the continuation of the potency of the disease and the emergence of new mutant strains further increase the concern over this issue. While efforts to create a specific treatment protocol for the disease are continuing, the availability of vaccines in different countries for the disease has led to a vaccine-focused approach. After a while, the concept of soft power, which came to the fore at certain points of the connection between the countries that produce the vaccine and the countries that will buy the vaccine, added a different dimension to the COVID-19 pandemic. The concept of 'soft power' was first introduced and used by Joseph Nye in 1990. This concept, which has a different meaning from the traditional discourse of power, started to be used in everyday language by academicians and politicians shortly after it was first used. With the interconnection of power and influence in recent years, this concept has turned into a new perspective for influence due to its turn towards a specific purpose. The vaccine diplomacy observed with the development of new vaccines for the COVID-19 pandemic is one of these perspectives. It is observed that new balances are built on COVID-19 by using vaccine diplomacy as a kind of soft power and including it within the borders of inter-country communication. In this study, the soft power which came into existence over Covid-19 and vaccine diplomacy that emerged due to the soft power were tried to be evaluated by using up-to-date sources. Observing the effect of this soft power on COVID-19 vaccines in this process will allow us to make different evaluations.
... Nye has been developing this concept for three decades and it is reflected in his books and articles, the most notable of which are Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (1990), Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (2004) and Future of Power (2011). In one of his most recent publications (Nye, 2017), he offered some insights into the evolution of soft power over the years. ...
... Най -автор определения «мягкая сила». «Умная сила» представляет собой сочетание ресурсов «жесткой» и «мягкой силы» в единую эффективную стратегию и включает культурно-гуманитарные, цивилизационные, социально-политические, экономические, военные аспекты [Nye, 2017]. ...
- A. A. Maslov
T r a ns forma t ion s i n C hi n a ' s cultur a l a n d ideo l o g i c a l n a rr a t i v e s i nc e t he 2010s have required the establishment of specific Chinese "think tanks of a new type," which are formally institutionalized in Chinese legislation. In the initial period of their development (2013–2018), thinktanks were tasked with becoming a significant "soft power" tool to promote and explain key political and economic ideas, including Xi Jinping's initiatives, so say to "reconceptualize" official ideas at the expert and analytical level and translate Chinese ideological initiatives language into the generally accepted language of expert discussion. However, since 2019–2020, being challenged by creating an anti-Chinese alliance, think-tanks were required to carry out not only expert-analytical work but also to develop draft decisions on critical issues of external and internal development. China's political leaders seek to create a new type of analytical culture, stimulating the development of new types of centers and completely transforming the old ones. Of the four types of centers – governmental, academic, university, and public (non-governmental) – the governmental and public centers have proved the most effective. In contrast, the centers that grew out of academic institutions and university structures have been criticized for being slow and impractical in their judgments. At the same time, a number of public analytical centers have grown into giant corporations: today, they have branches in dozens of Chinese cities and abroad, maintain ties with Chinese Huaqiao, and advise the country's authorities on crucial issues of political and economic development.
... Стратегия гибкой власти, когда отказ от мер по принуждению должен сочетаться с воздействием на массовое сознание своей страны или всего мирового сообщества [Keohane, 2005: 49-53], получает признание в мировой политике. При разработке концепции Най выделил три основных элемента «мягкой силы»: политические ценности, культура и внешняя политика [Nye, 2017], которые делают страну привлекательной для остального мира. ...
- Alla Borzova
-
![Nino Nikolashvili]()
The article contains a comparison of Spanish and Portuguese soft power models. Within the framework of the problem-chronological approach, mainly the method of comparative analysis was applied. On the basis of the historical parallels between the two Iberian states, the authors highlight the origins of the modern Spanish and Portuguese brands. They investigate national interpretations of the concept of soft power in Spain and Portugal and compare their main elements in the national formulas of soft power. Besides, the differences in the assessment of Spanish and Portuguese soft power in international rankings is pointed out. After the analysis of the structures of soft power management in Spain and Portugal is conducted, the attention is drawn to the juxtaposition of the activities and the influence of two linguistic institutions: the Cervantes Institute and the Camões Institute. The following conclusion is drawn: the soft power of Spain and Portugal is based on similar resources but is implemented with varying degrees of success. The Spanish soft power model became more attractive. The main reason for this is the absence of a body responsible for the national brand in Portugal, while the Spanish soft power is regulated by a government authority, The Portuguese brand is mainly managed by private institutions with little or no coordination between them.
- Charles Enoch
This chapter surveys the development of the EU through a series of Treaties from Rome to Lisbon. The period since Lisbon is now the longest between Treaties of any time in the past 40 years, reflecting difficulties encountered during the Lisbon process and concerns at declining consensus over the fundamentals of the European project. Institutional innovations, in seeking to avoid the need for Treaty change, have led to significant compromises with the first best. With this background the chapter examines some of the key concepts in the workings of the EU in the context of this study: the four freedoms, equivalence, "muddling through", hard power and soft power, majoritarianism, and finally neo-functionalism and post-functionalism.
-
![Rodrigo Christofoletti]()
A wide range of historical examples is designed to illustrate the effects of soft power on the preservation of cultural heritage in the context of international relations, but the essential focus of this text falls on three special areas: (a) criticism of cartography represented in the list of world heritage sites and of world heritage sites linked to UNESCO; (b) the growing action around illicit trafficking and the repatriation/return of cultural goods, as well as the universe of the so-called illicit criminogenic collectables; (c) the mapping of other actors in the production, maintenance and management of heritage with the increasing presence of themes that address "Africanities", "Asianities", "Latinities", and "Orientalisms" (so little explored by our researchers, given the hegemony of the Europeanist/American vision), themes resulting from the dialogue between multiple areas of knowledge and the concept of soft power. Thus, the text faces a central task to show that the connection between cultural heritage, international relations, and soft power is relevant and, therefore, seeks to document significant examples for this purpose, choosing Brazil as a comparative field with international examples. Given the importance built around this category of analysis, it seems appropriate to offer research possibilities on the functioning of soft power (concept questioning on the margins of history), thus providing a conceptual basis and rigorous methodological approaches on its aegis.
-
![Michael Cox]()
- E.H Carr
E. H. Carr's classic work on international relations, published in 1939, was immediately recognized by friend and foe alike as a defining work. The author was one of the most influential and controversial intellectuals of the 20th century. The issues and themes he developed continue to have relevance to modern day concerns with power and its distribution in the international system. Michael Cox's critical introduction provides the reader with background information about the author, the context for the book, and its main themes and contemporary relevance.
- David A. Baldwin
Contrary to conventional wisdom, the concept of power has not always been central to international relations theory. During the 1920s and 30s, power was often ignored or vilified by international relations scholars-especially in America. Power and International Relations explores how this changed in later decades by tracing how power emerged as an important social science concept in American scholarship after World War I. Combining intellectual history and conceptual analysis, David Baldwin examines power's increased presence in the study of international relations and looks at how the three dominant approaches of realism, neoliberalism, and constructivism treat power. The clarity and precision of thinking about power increased greatly during the last half of the twentieth century, due to efforts by political scientists, psychologists, sociologists, economists, philosophers, mathematicians, and geographers who contributed to "social power literature." Baldwin brings the insights of this literature to bear on the three principal theoretical traditions in international relations theory. He discusses controversial issues in power analysis, and shows the relevance of older works frequently underappreciated today. Focusing on the social power perspective in international relations, this book sheds light on how power has been considered during the last half century and how it should be approached in future research.
The Future of Power. Public Affairs
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Nye JS Jr (2011) The Future of Power. Public Affairs: New York.
Think again: power. Foreign Policy
- Nc Ferguson
Ferguson NC (2009) Think again: power. Foreign Policy(March-April): 18-24.
- Portland Communications
Portland Communications and Facebook. (2016) "The Soft Power 30 Report", http://softpower30.portland-communications.com/wp-content/themes/soft power/pdfs/the_soft_power_30.pdf, accessed 12 January 2017.
Theory of International Politics
Waltz KN (1979) Theory of International Politics. Addison-Wesley: Reading, MA.
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